Frantz Fanon (1925–1961)
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Blida Department of English: Free Stand to Stand Free :: All about :: Literature :: African Literature
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Frantz Fanon (1925–1961)
by Hush Mon Aug 24, 2009 2:16 am
Frantz Fanon (1925–1961)
A leading theorist and activist of third world struggle against colonial oppression, Frantz Fanon was one of the most powerful voices of revolutionary thought in the twentieth century. Born on the French island colony of Martinique, Fanon fought against Nazism in France where he subsequently trained as a psychiatrist. His origins and his experience in both Martinique and France exposed him to the issues of racism and colonialism. An important influence on him was his teacher Aimé Césaire, a leader of the so-called negritude movement which called for cultural separation rather than assimilation of blacks. Fanon’s books included Peau noire, masques blancs (1952), translated as Black Skin, White Masks (1967), which explored the psychological effects of racism and colonialism.
In 1954, while Fanon was working as a psychiatrist in Algeria, the Algerians rebelled against French rule. The violent struggle for Algerian independence was led by the National Liberation Front. Fanon edited the Front’s newspaper and remained involved in the revolution until his death in 1961. Independence was not achieved until 1962. Fanon produced a number of writings connected with Algerian and African revolution; his most comprehensive and influential work was Les Damnés de la terre (1961), translated as The Wretched of the Earth (1963). This now classic text analyzed the conditions and requirements for effective anti-colonial revolution from a Marxist perspective, modified somewhat to accommodate conditions specific to colonized nations.
It also articulated the connections between class and race. Indeed, Fanon points out the utter difference in historical situation between the European bourgeois class, a once revolutionary class which overturned feudalism, and the African bourgeoisie emerging as successor to colonial rule. In an important chapter called “The Pitfalls of National Consciousness,” Fanon points out the limitations of nationalist sentiment: while such sentiment is an integral stage in the struggle for independence from colonial rule, it proves to be an “empty shell.” The idea of the unified nation crumbles into precolonial antagonisms based on race and tribe.
Fanon attributes this failure of national consciousness and truly national unity to the deficiencies of what he calls the national middle class, the bourgeois class in the subject nation that takes over power at the end of colonial rule.3 This class is underdeveloped:
it has little economic power or knowledge, it is not engaged in production or invention or labor. Such is the narrow vision of this class that it equates “nationalization” with “transfer into native hands of those unfair advantages which are a legacy of the colonial period” (WE, 149–152). In other words, the national bourgeoisie appropriates for itself the privileges formerly held by the colonial power. Indeed, according to Fanon, this is precisely the “historic mission” of the new bourgeoisie: that of intermediary between its own nation and imperial capitalism (WE, 152). This bourgeoisie is historically stagnant, its entire existence absorbed in its identification with, and pandering to, the Western bourgeoisie, “from whom it has learnt its lessons” (WE, 153). And because the national bourgeoisie can provide no intellectual, political, or economic leadership or enlightenment, national consciousness, and the loudly hailed promise of African unity, dissolve into the regional, racial, and tribal conflict which existed before colonial rule (WE, 158–159). Colonial powers, of course, exploit these divisions to the fullest, and encourage, for example, the division of Africa into “White” and “Black”
Africa (north and south of the Sahara, respectively). White Africa is held to have a long cultural tradition, and is seen as sharing in Greco-Roman civilization, whereas Black Africa is looked on as “inert, brutal, uncivilized” (WE, 161). The national bourgeoisie of each of these regions assimilates racist colonial philosophy long propagated by the Western bourgeoisie; but unlike their Western counterparts, whose chauvinism wore the mask of democratic and humanist ideals, the African bourgeoisie is devoid of any humanist ideology (WE, 163).
Fanon’s overall point and conclusion is twofold: firstly, “the bourgeois phase in the history of underdeveloped countries is a completely useless phase” (WE, 176). In Marxist thought, the rise of the bourgeoisie is of course an integral and decisive stage in the ultimate historical progress toward socialism and a classless society. Communism does not merely sweep away the capitalist world: rather, it acknowledges the vast progress made by the bourgeoisie over feudalism in economic, legal, political, and social terms.
The aim of communism, according to Marx, was to realize the promise of freedom, democracy, and equality which was articulated but not fulfilled by the bourgeois class. In stark contrast with the rich and revolutionary contributions of the Western bourgeoisie, the national bourgeoisie of colonized countries has none of the virtues of its counterparts in the West; it came to power in the name of a narrow nationalism which scarcely masked its pursuit of its own interests. As such, it must be opposed and neutralized, with the aid of the “honest intellectuals” who truly desire revolutionary change for the mass of people (WE, 177). The second point is that “a rapid step must be taken from national consciousness to political and social consciousness.” By this, Fanon means that nationalist sentiment must be enriched by a consciousness of social and political needs, as framed by a humanistic outlook (WE, 203–204).
In another chapter entitled “On National Culture” (originally delivered as a talk in 1959), Fanon addresses the important connections between the struggle for freedom and the various elements of culture, including literature and the arts. Colonialism, says Fanon, entirely disrupts the cultural life of a conquered people. Moreover, every “effort is made to bring the colonized person to admit the inferiority of his culture . . . to recognize the unreality of his ‘nation,’ and, in the last extreme, the confused and imperfect character of his own biological structure” (WE, 236). A culture under colonial domination is a “contested culture,” whose destruction is systematically sought. The native culture freezes into a defensive posture: there are no new developments or initiatives, only a rigid adherence to “a hard core of culture” which is identified with resistance to the colonial oppressor (WE, 238).
The various tensions caused by colonial exploitation – poverty, famine, cultural and psychological emaciation – have their repercussions on the cultural plane. Gradually, the progress of “national consciousness” among the people gives rise to substantial changes in literary styles and themes: tragic and poetic styles give way to novels, short stories, and essays; themes of hopelessness and resignation, once couched in florid traditional expression, give way before stinging denunciation of the occupying power and hard realistic exposure of the conditions of life. Eventually, even the audience for literature changes: the intellectuals, who formerly wrote for the oppressor, now address their own people. It is only when national consciousness reaches a certain stage of maturity that we can speak of a national literature, a literature which takes up and explores themes that are nationalist. This literature, says Fanon, is a “literature of combat” because “it calls on the whole people to fight for their existence as a nation,” and “molds the national consciousness” (WE, 240). Hence literature is not merely a superstructural effect of economic struggle: it is instrumental in shaping the nation’s conscious articulation of its own identity and the values at stake in that struggle.
A number of broad changes result in literature: in the oral tradition, for example, stories, epics, and songs which followed traditional and now inert formulae are imbued with new episodes, modernized struggles, and conflict. In Algeria, the epic reappeared, as “an authentic form of entertainment which took on once more a cultural value.” And traditional methods of storytelling were overturned: instead of treating time-worn themes, the storyteller “once more gives free reign to his imagination,” relating fresh and topical episodes, interpreting the vast panorama of present political and psychological phenomena, and presenting a new type of man – man free from the shackles of colonialism. Significantly, as in Algeria, such literary developments often led to the systematic arrest of the storytellers by the colonial power (WE, 241).
Fanon’s essential point is that, in the circumstance of colonial domination, the “nation” is a necessary condition of culture. The “nation gathers together the various indispensable elements necessary for the creation of a culture.” The struggle of a colonized people to reestablish the sovereignty of their nation “constitutes the most complete and obvious cultural manifestation that exists” (WE, 245). It is this struggle that leaves behind a fundamentally different set of relations between men, marked not only by the disappearance of colonialism but also by the disappearance of the colonized man (WE, 246). What Fanon is stressing here is that, given that culture is the expression of “national consciousness,” the stage of national identity cannot be somehow bypassed, as we progress to a view of our general participation in humanity (WE, 247). Fanon insists that “it is at the heart of national consciousness that international consciousness lives and grows” (WE, 247–248).
At the end of his book, Fanon stresses that the way forward for the colonized nat ons of Africa and other parts of the globe lies not in the imitation of Europe but in the working out of new schemes on the basis of the unity of humankind: “For Europe, for ourselves, and for humanity, comrades, we must turn over a new leaf, we must work out new concepts, and try to set afoot a new man” (WE, 316). Much of what Fanon says of African nations applies equally well to other colonized areas, including the Indian subcontinent and much of the Middle East. His account of culture and national consciousness, which implicates political struggle in the very fabric of literary production, provides a revealing counterbalance to certain Western aesthetic attitudes which have insisted on isolating literature from its social and political contexts, or at least, in staking out an autonomous domain of purely literary analysis which might be complemented by considerations of context as long as its borders remain uninfringed. In a sense, this type of theory presupposes the luxury of political stability or stagnation, as well as the luxury of the marginalization of literature: in a culture where literature has no direct impact in the political sphere, there may well be justification for viewing the literary sphere as a relatively autonomous and self-enclosed domain. This domain can accommodate the most “radical” perspectives precisely because of its overall insulation from the political and economic realms. In short, we can be as subversive as we wish in poetry, because, unfortunately, it makes no difference. Such is the marginalization of
poetry in our culture that its lines of intersection with the mainstream political process are delicate to the point of indiscernibility. Fanon’s account reminds us, however, that there are cultures around the world – which in recent times have included much of the Middle East, the Indian subcontinent, parts of Russia and Yugoslavia – where literature is often directly and deeply involved in the political process, not merely as effect but as cause, in a profoundly reciprocal relationship.
A History of Literary Criticism From Plato to the Present, by M. A. R. Habib
A leading theorist and activist of third world struggle against colonial oppression, Frantz Fanon was one of the most powerful voices of revolutionary thought in the twentieth century. Born on the French island colony of Martinique, Fanon fought against Nazism in France where he subsequently trained as a psychiatrist. His origins and his experience in both Martinique and France exposed him to the issues of racism and colonialism. An important influence on him was his teacher Aimé Césaire, a leader of the so-called negritude movement which called for cultural separation rather than assimilation of blacks. Fanon’s books included Peau noire, masques blancs (1952), translated as Black Skin, White Masks (1967), which explored the psychological effects of racism and colonialism.
In 1954, while Fanon was working as a psychiatrist in Algeria, the Algerians rebelled against French rule. The violent struggle for Algerian independence was led by the National Liberation Front. Fanon edited the Front’s newspaper and remained involved in the revolution until his death in 1961. Independence was not achieved until 1962. Fanon produced a number of writings connected with Algerian and African revolution; his most comprehensive and influential work was Les Damnés de la terre (1961), translated as The Wretched of the Earth (1963). This now classic text analyzed the conditions and requirements for effective anti-colonial revolution from a Marxist perspective, modified somewhat to accommodate conditions specific to colonized nations.
It also articulated the connections between class and race. Indeed, Fanon points out the utter difference in historical situation between the European bourgeois class, a once revolutionary class which overturned feudalism, and the African bourgeoisie emerging as successor to colonial rule. In an important chapter called “The Pitfalls of National Consciousness,” Fanon points out the limitations of nationalist sentiment: while such sentiment is an integral stage in the struggle for independence from colonial rule, it proves to be an “empty shell.” The idea of the unified nation crumbles into precolonial antagonisms based on race and tribe.
Fanon attributes this failure of national consciousness and truly national unity to the deficiencies of what he calls the national middle class, the bourgeois class in the subject nation that takes over power at the end of colonial rule.3 This class is underdeveloped:
it has little economic power or knowledge, it is not engaged in production or invention or labor. Such is the narrow vision of this class that it equates “nationalization” with “transfer into native hands of those unfair advantages which are a legacy of the colonial period” (WE, 149–152). In other words, the national bourgeoisie appropriates for itself the privileges formerly held by the colonial power. Indeed, according to Fanon, this is precisely the “historic mission” of the new bourgeoisie: that of intermediary between its own nation and imperial capitalism (WE, 152). This bourgeoisie is historically stagnant, its entire existence absorbed in its identification with, and pandering to, the Western bourgeoisie, “from whom it has learnt its lessons” (WE, 153). And because the national bourgeoisie can provide no intellectual, political, or economic leadership or enlightenment, national consciousness, and the loudly hailed promise of African unity, dissolve into the regional, racial, and tribal conflict which existed before colonial rule (WE, 158–159). Colonial powers, of course, exploit these divisions to the fullest, and encourage, for example, the division of Africa into “White” and “Black”
Africa (north and south of the Sahara, respectively). White Africa is held to have a long cultural tradition, and is seen as sharing in Greco-Roman civilization, whereas Black Africa is looked on as “inert, brutal, uncivilized” (WE, 161). The national bourgeoisie of each of these regions assimilates racist colonial philosophy long propagated by the Western bourgeoisie; but unlike their Western counterparts, whose chauvinism wore the mask of democratic and humanist ideals, the African bourgeoisie is devoid of any humanist ideology (WE, 163).
Fanon’s overall point and conclusion is twofold: firstly, “the bourgeois phase in the history of underdeveloped countries is a completely useless phase” (WE, 176). In Marxist thought, the rise of the bourgeoisie is of course an integral and decisive stage in the ultimate historical progress toward socialism and a classless society. Communism does not merely sweep away the capitalist world: rather, it acknowledges the vast progress made by the bourgeoisie over feudalism in economic, legal, political, and social terms.
The aim of communism, according to Marx, was to realize the promise of freedom, democracy, and equality which was articulated but not fulfilled by the bourgeois class. In stark contrast with the rich and revolutionary contributions of the Western bourgeoisie, the national bourgeoisie of colonized countries has none of the virtues of its counterparts in the West; it came to power in the name of a narrow nationalism which scarcely masked its pursuit of its own interests. As such, it must be opposed and neutralized, with the aid of the “honest intellectuals” who truly desire revolutionary change for the mass of people (WE, 177). The second point is that “a rapid step must be taken from national consciousness to political and social consciousness.” By this, Fanon means that nationalist sentiment must be enriched by a consciousness of social and political needs, as framed by a humanistic outlook (WE, 203–204).
In another chapter entitled “On National Culture” (originally delivered as a talk in 1959), Fanon addresses the important connections between the struggle for freedom and the various elements of culture, including literature and the arts. Colonialism, says Fanon, entirely disrupts the cultural life of a conquered people. Moreover, every “effort is made to bring the colonized person to admit the inferiority of his culture . . . to recognize the unreality of his ‘nation,’ and, in the last extreme, the confused and imperfect character of his own biological structure” (WE, 236). A culture under colonial domination is a “contested culture,” whose destruction is systematically sought. The native culture freezes into a defensive posture: there are no new developments or initiatives, only a rigid adherence to “a hard core of culture” which is identified with resistance to the colonial oppressor (WE, 238).
The various tensions caused by colonial exploitation – poverty, famine, cultural and psychological emaciation – have their repercussions on the cultural plane. Gradually, the progress of “national consciousness” among the people gives rise to substantial changes in literary styles and themes: tragic and poetic styles give way to novels, short stories, and essays; themes of hopelessness and resignation, once couched in florid traditional expression, give way before stinging denunciation of the occupying power and hard realistic exposure of the conditions of life. Eventually, even the audience for literature changes: the intellectuals, who formerly wrote for the oppressor, now address their own people. It is only when national consciousness reaches a certain stage of maturity that we can speak of a national literature, a literature which takes up and explores themes that are nationalist. This literature, says Fanon, is a “literature of combat” because “it calls on the whole people to fight for their existence as a nation,” and “molds the national consciousness” (WE, 240). Hence literature is not merely a superstructural effect of economic struggle: it is instrumental in shaping the nation’s conscious articulation of its own identity and the values at stake in that struggle.
A number of broad changes result in literature: in the oral tradition, for example, stories, epics, and songs which followed traditional and now inert formulae are imbued with new episodes, modernized struggles, and conflict. In Algeria, the epic reappeared, as “an authentic form of entertainment which took on once more a cultural value.” And traditional methods of storytelling were overturned: instead of treating time-worn themes, the storyteller “once more gives free reign to his imagination,” relating fresh and topical episodes, interpreting the vast panorama of present political and psychological phenomena, and presenting a new type of man – man free from the shackles of colonialism. Significantly, as in Algeria, such literary developments often led to the systematic arrest of the storytellers by the colonial power (WE, 241).
Fanon’s essential point is that, in the circumstance of colonial domination, the “nation” is a necessary condition of culture. The “nation gathers together the various indispensable elements necessary for the creation of a culture.” The struggle of a colonized people to reestablish the sovereignty of their nation “constitutes the most complete and obvious cultural manifestation that exists” (WE, 245). It is this struggle that leaves behind a fundamentally different set of relations between men, marked not only by the disappearance of colonialism but also by the disappearance of the colonized man (WE, 246). What Fanon is stressing here is that, given that culture is the expression of “national consciousness,” the stage of national identity cannot be somehow bypassed, as we progress to a view of our general participation in humanity (WE, 247). Fanon insists that “it is at the heart of national consciousness that international consciousness lives and grows” (WE, 247–248).
At the end of his book, Fanon stresses that the way forward for the colonized nat ons of Africa and other parts of the globe lies not in the imitation of Europe but in the working out of new schemes on the basis of the unity of humankind: “For Europe, for ourselves, and for humanity, comrades, we must turn over a new leaf, we must work out new concepts, and try to set afoot a new man” (WE, 316). Much of what Fanon says of African nations applies equally well to other colonized areas, including the Indian subcontinent and much of the Middle East. His account of culture and national consciousness, which implicates political struggle in the very fabric of literary production, provides a revealing counterbalance to certain Western aesthetic attitudes which have insisted on isolating literature from its social and political contexts, or at least, in staking out an autonomous domain of purely literary analysis which might be complemented by considerations of context as long as its borders remain uninfringed. In a sense, this type of theory presupposes the luxury of political stability or stagnation, as well as the luxury of the marginalization of literature: in a culture where literature has no direct impact in the political sphere, there may well be justification for viewing the literary sphere as a relatively autonomous and self-enclosed domain. This domain can accommodate the most “radical” perspectives precisely because of its overall insulation from the political and economic realms. In short, we can be as subversive as we wish in poetry, because, unfortunately, it makes no difference. Such is the marginalization of
poetry in our culture that its lines of intersection with the mainstream political process are delicate to the point of indiscernibility. Fanon’s account reminds us, however, that there are cultures around the world – which in recent times have included much of the Middle East, the Indian subcontinent, parts of Russia and Yugoslavia – where literature is often directly and deeply involved in the political process, not merely as effect but as cause, in a profoundly reciprocal relationship.
A History of Literary Criticism From Plato to the Present, by M. A. R. Habib
Hush- Number of posts : 529
Age : 39
Location : Dreaming land
Registration date : 2008-09-17
Re: Frantz Fanon (1925–1961)
by Ezinma Mon Aug 24, 2009 1:41 pm
Thank you very much Hush, I haven't read it yet but I promise to do this afternoon cause Fanon is my favourite 
Ezinma- Number of posts : 491
Registration date : 2009-02-25
Re: Frantz Fanon (1925–1961)
by Ezinma Mon Aug 24, 2009 5:06 pm
I read the chapter On National Culture long ago and this post came just to refresh my memory, 
because I forgot all what I read last month.
The link I give here is just to download an article I read about Black Skin, White Masks since I couldn't read the whole book. But I found it very intersting and it served me greatly:
Click here
because I forgot all what I read last month.The link I give here is just to download an article I read about Black Skin, White Masks since I couldn't read the whole book. But I found it very intersting and it served me greatly:
Click here
Ezinma- Number of posts : 491
Registration date : 2009-02-25
Re: Frantz Fanon (1925–1961)
by imy Mon Aug 24, 2009 7:12 pm
Thanks very much hush.sorry for that but i have two questions:
1/it is said that"according to marx the rise of bourgeoisie is integral and decisive stage towards sociolism and classless society"
_how could it be?I MEAN BORGEOISIE IS A CLASS?HOW CAN IT HELP IN THE DISAPPERANCE OF CLASS SYSTEM????
2/pleas the chapters of "On National culture" and "the Pitfalls of National Consciousness" are they from "the wretched of the earth" by Fanon ???
1/it is said that"according to marx the rise of bourgeoisie is integral and decisive stage towards sociolism and classless society"
_how could it be?I MEAN BORGEOISIE IS A CLASS?HOW CAN IT HELP IN THE DISAPPERANCE OF CLASS SYSTEM????
2/pleas the chapters of "On National culture" and "the Pitfalls of National Consciousness" are they from "the wretched of the earth" by Fanon ???
imy- Number of posts : 104
Age : 36
Registration date : 2009-05-07
Re: Frantz Fanon (1925–1961)
by Hush Tue Aug 25, 2009 2:58 am
imy wrote:Thanks very much hush.sorry for that but i have two questions:
1/it is said that"according to marx the rise of bourgeoisie is integral and decisive stage towards sociolism and classless society"
_how could it be?I MEAN BORGEOISIE IS A CLASS?HOW CAN IT HELP IN THE DISAPPERANCE OF CLASS SYSTEM????
Yes, indeed "Bourgeoisie" is a class amid the process of getting rid of classes. Let's first say again what the Bourgeoisie is, it is the class of the Haves, in oppositions to the Haves Not. It is the class that possesses the means of production opposed to the Proletariat ( the working class). Now we should not confuse the Bourgeoisie with the Feudal class! Those who were the landlords, and who are overwhelmed by the Bourgeoisie according to Marx. So to get rid of The Feudals we need the Bourgeoisie to make a perfect opposition with the proletariat. Don't forget that Marx ideas were inspired by Hegel and the dualism is important in here. Now the struggles begins because the proletariat will feel (be) exploited, in other words, we have the proletariat looking for work to make a living, they go to the Bourgeois who has the means of productions, they work for him and produce goods or services, these services will make profit ( part of them is used to pay the workers, part is for the bourgeois without any work), that's what will make the proletariat revolt and that what would end the class system. ( At least that's what I think!)
Hush- Number of posts : 529
Age : 39
Location : Dreaming land
Registration date : 2008-09-17
Re: Frantz Fanon (1925–1961)
by imy Tue Aug 25, 2009 3:04 pm
Thanks alot hush!pleas may you answer my 2nd question above?ANOTHER THING the book of NGUGI"decolonizing the mind" and of FANON"the wretched of the earth" i searched for them but i didn't find them.pleas if you have any thing about them i mean links or how to find them as books,i'll be very greatful.thanks again
imy- Number of posts : 104
Age : 36
Registration date : 2009-05-07
Re: Frantz Fanon (1925–1961)
by Hush Wed Aug 26, 2009 2:30 am
imy wrote:
2/pleas the chapters of "On National culture" and "the Pitfalls of National Consciousness" are they from "the wretched of the earth" by Fanon ???
Yes they are, and in these two links you may have a better idea
Fanon on "The Pitfalls of National Consciousness"
Fanon on "National Culture"
For the Wretched of the Earth just click here and download it:
The Wretched of the Earth
And that's a present :
Just click
Hush- Number of posts : 529
Age : 39
Location : Dreaming land
Registration date : 2008-09-17
Re: Frantz Fanon (1925–1961)
by imy Thu Aug 27, 2009 2:15 pm
Thanks alot hush it's of a great help.May ALLAH reward you.
imy- Number of posts : 104
Age : 36
Registration date : 2009-05-07
Re: Frantz Fanon (1925–1961)
by Ezinma Mon Aug 31, 2009 1:52 pm
imy wrote:ANOTHER THING the book of NGUGI"decolonizing the mind...pleas if you have any thing about them i mean links or how to find them as books,i'll be very greatful.thanks again
Hello Imy,
For Ngugi's book Decolonizing the Mind: The politics of Language in African Literature, you may find a long excerpt in a book called Colonial Discourse and Post Colonial-Theory A reader. I guess you have this book, because I think Decolonizing the mind is not available on the net to be downloaded much as Ngugi's or Armah's novels.
Ezinma- Number of posts : 491
Registration date : 2009-02-25
Re: Frantz Fanon (1925–1961)
by imy Mon Aug 31, 2009 5:36 pm
Yes i have the book i didn't reash this chapter yet thanks alot for your help.By the way have read it?IMEAN just to exchange information availible there? 
imy- Number of posts : 104
Age : 36
Registration date : 2009-05-07
Re: Frantz Fanon (1925–1961)
by imy Mon Aug 31, 2009 5:59 pm
What do you think if we began the discussion ABOUT "The Philosophy of Being"in negritude's chapter???
imy- Number of posts : 104
Age : 36
Registration date : 2009-05-07
Re: Frantz Fanon (1925–1961)
by Ezinma Tue Sep 01, 2009 1:21 pm
Hello,
Actually I didn't read the whole book but a few (
) chapters which I selected... Sometimes I read just a few pages from the whole book because I know that's what I need.
For the discussion, we can talk about Negritude as a whole and not just this chapter (of course we gonna insert it ), and I'll post a new thread about negritude as soon as possible where we'll exchange ideas. Be patient Imy please
Actually I didn't read the whole book but a few (
) chapters which I selected... Sometimes I read just a few pages from the whole book because I know that's what I need.For the discussion, we can talk about Negritude as a whole and not just this chapter (of course we gonna insert it ), and I'll post a new thread about negritude as soon as possible where we'll exchange ideas. Be patient Imy please
Ezinma- Number of posts : 491
Registration date : 2009-02-25
Re: Frantz Fanon (1925–1961)
by imy Tue Sep 01, 2009 2:57 pm
OK I AGREE I'll search for some information as well.
imy- Number of posts : 104
Age : 36
Registration date : 2009-05-07
Blida Department of English: Free Stand to Stand Free :: All about :: Literature :: African Literature
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